In short
Misattribution of memory is remembering something accurately while assigning it to the wrong source, time, place or person: a thought is recalled as a perception, a thing read as a thing heard, a stranger's face as the face of the culprit. Daniel Schacter grouped these errors as one of memory's seven sins in 1999, and this page takes that family view, where the pages on false memory, source confusion and cryptomnesia each take one member of the family.
How misattribution of memory works
A memory does not arrive with a label saying where it came from. The source has to be judged, and the judgment is made from the qualities of the memory itself: how vivid it is, how much perceptual detail it carries, whether it fits what else you know, how easily it comes to mind. Marcia Johnson, Shahin Hashtroudi and Stephen Lindsay set this out in their 1993 source monitoring framework. Perceived events usually carry more sensory detail than imagined ones, so detail is a fair cue to having seen something. It is also a cue that can mislead, because an imagined or inferred event that was processed richly can carry as much detail as a real one.
The word list above produces the error in a controlled way. Every word on the list is an associate of chair, so chair is activated again and again while the list is shown, even though it never appears. By the time you write your words down, chair is as familiar as the words you saw, and the feeling of familiarity gets attributed to the list rather than to your own thinking. In Roediger and McDermott's experiments people did not merely guess the missing word: they said they remembered hearing it, often with the same confidence as words they had heard.
Schacter's 1999 paper on the seven sins of memory places this under misattribution, alongside two other members of the family. Source confusion is remembering a true piece of information with the wrong origin, such as a rumor recalled as a news report. Cryptomnesia, or unintentional plagiarism, is producing someone else's idea as your own because the memory of encountering it has lost its tag. All three have the same structure: the content is retained, the attribution fails.
Familiarity without a source has its own classic demonstration. Jacoby, Kelley, Brown and Jasechko had people read a list of made-up names in 1989; a day later those names were more likely to be judged famous than new made-up names, because they felt familiar and the reason for the familiarity had faded. Misattribution, on this account, is a failure of the inference that normally tells you what a memory is.
The original study
Henry Roediger and Kathleen McDermott published "Creating false memories: Remembering words not presented in lists" in the Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition in 1995. They revived a procedure James Deese had described in 1959: lists made entirely of associates of a single word that is itself left out. In their first experiment, students heard six lists of twelve words each, with the missing word, such as sleep for the list bed, rest, awake, tired, dream, and wrote down what they remembered immediately after each list. The missing associate was recalled after 40 percent of the lists.
The second experiment expanded the materials to 24 lists of 15 words, built like the list on this page, and the false recall rate rose to 55 percent. A recognition test followed, mixing studied words, the missing associates and unrelated new words. Participants called the missing associates old at a rate comparable to the hit rate for words they had actually heard, and when asked whether they remembered the moment of hearing a word or merely knew it had been on the list, they often claimed to remember hearing the word that was never spoken.
Read the diagram and evidence as text
Stool and sofa exemplify heard associates, each with a sound-source badge. A chair begins separately inside a dashed thought enclosure without that badge. In recall the chair acquires the same sound badge as the heard associates. A shared-scale rail shows that the missing word was recalled after 55% of lists. The icons are an illustrative fragment, not an inventory of study stimuli.
A list of associates of chair, then recall
Content kept, source changed. 55% is a rate across lists, not a panel size.
15 associates of chair, heard: Retained: recalled as heard
Chair itself: activated by every word, never spoken: Reinterpreted as heard: recalled after 55% of lists, later called old about as often as the words shown
| Condition | Value and unit | Evidence quote |
|---|---|---|
| Lists after which the never-presented word was recalled, second experiment | 55 percent of lists | students recalled the never-presented word after 55 percent of the 15-word lists |
| List length, second experiment | 15 words per list | after 55 percent of the 15-word lists |
The error was systematic rather than random: the one word that appeared on nobody's list was the word everybody's list pointed at, and it appeared on an immediate test, a condition under which memory for short lists is normally good. The procedure is now known as the DRM paradigm, after Deese, Roediger and McDermott.
Schacter's 1999 American Psychologist article, "The seven sins of memory," organized this and related findings into a taxonomy of three sins of omission, transience, absent-mindedness and blocking, and four sins of commission, misattribution, suggestibility, bias and persistence. He placed the word-list illusion under misattribution and argued that the same source monitoring failures explain false recognition in the laboratory, mistaken eyewitness identification and unintentional plagiarism.
Everyday examples
The rows below are illustrations of where a retained memory can be given the wrong origin, not findings from the studies cited on this page.

| Situation | What the bias does | What helps |
|---|---|---|
| Being sure you told your partner about a dinner plan | The intention to tell them, rehearsed in your head, is remembered as the conversation itself | Treat an unconfirmed message as unsent, and write important plans down where both can see them |
| Recalling a headline as something a friend said | The content is right and the source is wrong, so the claim inherits the friend's credibility | Before repeating a claim, ask where you first met it and whether you could find it again |
| A witness picks a face that is familiar from the neighborhood | Familiarity from an innocent encounter is attributed to the crime scene | Lineups built and run by someone who does not know the suspect, with the caution that the culprit may not be present |
| A colleague's idea resurfaces a month later as your own | The idea is retained, the memory of hearing it is lost, and it feels newly invented | Keep dated notes of meetings and credit generously when an idea feels suspiciously fluent |
| Remembering a scene from a film as something you witnessed | Vivid imagery supplied by a screen is filed as a perception of your own | Ask what else you would remember if you had actually been there |
How to counter it
The error happens at the point where a memory is judged, so the counters are habits of judgment and the records that make judgment unnecessary.
- Ask for the source before you trust the content. "Where did I get this" is a different question from "is this familiar," and the second one is the one misattribution answers for you.
- Distrust fluency that arrives without a context. An idea or a claim that feels obviously right and has no memory of an origin attached is exactly what a misattributed memory feels like from the inside.
- Keep external records where attribution matters: dated notes, saved messages, a reading list. Jacoby's participants could not tell yesterday's made-up names from famous ones; a written list would have settled it in seconds.
- Separate what you saw from what you concluded, at the time. Witnesses and note-takers who record inferences as inferences give their later selves a chance to tell them apart.
- Expect the error in confident, detailed memories as much as vague ones. In the 1995 experiments, people claimed to remember the moment of hearing a word that was never spoken.
- When a dispute is about who said what, treat both memories as reconstructions and look for a record.
What it is not
Misattribution is a family name. Several pages on this site cover members of the family or its neighbors, and the differences are worth keeping.
- It is not the whole of false memory, which is the broader result that people remember events that did not happen or happened differently. Misattribution is one route to a false memory, the one in which real content is given the wrong origin; that page uses a different word list and asks a different question of it.
- It is not only source confusion, which is the member of the family in which the content is true and the origin is wrong, such as a rumor recalled as news. Misattribution also covers false recognition, where familiarity is assigned to an event that never occurred at all.
- It is not only cryptomnesia, the member in which someone else's idea is produced as your own. That page treats unintentional plagiarism on its own terms.
- It is not suggestibility, which Schacter lists as a separate sin: a memory altered by leading questions or information supplied by someone else. The word-list illusion on this page arises with no misleading input from outside.
Tests and tools that use this
Related biases
Misattribution of Memory FAQ
What is misattribution of memory?
It is remembering something while assigning it to the wrong source: recalling a thought as something you saw, a thing you read as a thing someone told you, or a familiar face as the face of a culprit. Daniel Schacter named it one of the seven sins of memory in 1999. The content of the memory can be accurate; what fails is the judgment about where it came from, which is made from cues such as vividness and familiarity rather than read off a label.
What are Schacter's seven sins of memory?
Schacter's 1999 paper groups memory failures into seven kinds. Three are sins of omission: transience, the fading of memory over time; absent-mindedness, lapses of attention at encoding or retrieval; and blocking, the failure to retrieve something that is there. Four are sins of commission: misattribution, suggestibility, bias and persistence. Misattribution covers false recognition, source confusion and unintentional plagiarism, all of which share the structure of retained content and a failed source judgment.
How does the demo on this page work?
The page showed 15 words that are all associates of chair, a word that never appeared, and then asked you to type what you recalled. Writing chair is recorded as the lure outcome; not writing it is recorded as resisted. The real list is printed on the result screen so you can check which of your words were shown and which you only thought of. The page records the outcome label and nothing else, and one list cannot measure how prone you are to the error.
Is misattribution the same as a false memory?
It is one kind. False memory is the general result that people remember events that did not happen or happened differently. Misattribution is the specific case in which real content, a thought, a word read elsewhere, a face seen in another context, is given the wrong origin. Other routes to a false memory include suggestion from outside and bias from current beliefs. The word-list illusion is usually classed under misattribution because the missing word was genuinely thought, just never heard.
Why does the word-list illusion work?
Every word on the list is related to the missing word, so that word is activated repeatedly while the list plays, and by the time you recall it feels as familiar as the words you saw. Familiarity is a normal cue that something was perceived, and here the cue points the wrong way. Roediger and McDermott found in 1995 that people recalled the missing word after 55 percent of 15-word lists and often said they remembered hearing it.
How can I avoid misattributing memories?
Ask where a memory came from before acting on how it feels, keep dated records where attribution matters, and separate observations from inferences at the time you make them. Treat fluent, detailed memories with no remembered origin as the ones most likely to be misattributed, since detail and fluency are the cues the error exploits. When two people remember a conversation differently, look for a record rather than weighing confidence; the research on this page finds confidence a poor guide to source.
References
- Roediger, H. L., & McDermott, K. B. (1995). Creating false memories: Remembering words not presented in lists. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 21(4), 803-814. doi.org
- Schacter, D. L. (1999). The seven sins of memory: Insights from psychology and cognitive neuroscience. American Psychologist, 54(3), 182-203. doi.org
- Johnson, M. K., Hashtroudi, S., & Lindsay, D. S. (1993). Source monitoring. Psychological Bulletin, 114(1), 3-28. doi.org
- Deese, J. (1959). On the prediction of occurrence of particular verbal intrusions in immediate recall. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 58(1), 17-22. doi.org
- Jacoby, L. L., Kelley, C., Brown, J., & Jasechko, J. (1989). Becoming famous overnight: Limits on the ability to avoid unconscious influences of the past. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56(3), 326-338. doi.org
Cite this source
Psychology.com. (2026, October 24). Misattribution of Memory. Psychology.com. https://psychology.com/biases/misattribution-of-memory
